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D. H. Lawrence and Book Publication During the Great War: a Study in Stagnation

Jonathan Long

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1The First World War was one of the key events in Lawrence’s career and indeed his life, ranking almost with the death of his mother and his relationship with Frieda Lawrence as something that had a profound impact upon him. This paper will describe the course of Lawrence’s career over this period and analyse the extent of the impact of the War on it, focusing in particular not on periodical publication but on the publication of his books. Others have of course looked at this before, for example Paul Delany in D.H. Lawrence’s Nightmare published in 1979, John Worthen’s 1989 D.H. Lawrence A Literary Life and Mark Kinkead-Weekes in the second volume of the Cambridge Biography, D.H. Lawrence: Triumph to Exile, which came out in 1996. However, publication will be looked at not just in terms of what was produced but also the successes and failures Lawrence had, reviewing the number of books sold and their reception, together with the influence Lawrence had over the content and design of those books, then comparing this with what happened after the War was over.

2Most of what we know about the numbers of copies of Lawrence’s books that were printed is contained in Warren Roberts’ and Paul Poplawski’s A Bibliography of D.H. Lawrence, the third and latest edition dating from 2001 but supplemented by Poplawski in the Journal of D.H. Lawrence Studies in 2010. I have kept to the terminology used there. The first schedule at the end of this paper shows the various editions and printings of Lawrence’s books up to the book of poems known as Bay, which although it did not come out until 1919 was collected for publication before the end of the War and contained the greater part of Lawrence’s poetical reaction to the War. Unfortunately we do not have Duckworth & Co.’s publication records for this time as they were destroyed during the Second World War. However, Lawrence’s surviving correspondence assists in putting together a picture of what was printed and Worthen has drawn some helpful conclusions from that.

3The starting point is to review where Lawrence’s reputation stood up to the beginning of the War, what might be called a period of early promise. His first book was The White Peacock. Duffield & Company published it in New York in January 1911, the day before the first English impression, published by William Heinemann, using the Duffield plates. The Duffield edition is now very scarce and it is likely that there were no more than 500 copies. Duffield did not print any more Lawrence titles and this one was Heinemann’s last until it took over the publication of Lawrence’s books after Lawrence’s death. As a first novel, albeit with a modest initial print run of 1500 copies in England, it was moderately successful and the start of the break from his upbringing in Eastwood, with Heinemann reprinting it the same year and Duckworth (who took over the title) reprinting it in 1914 and 1915. Heinemann also agreed to publish The Trespasser but Lawrence withdrew it until Duckworth’s reader Edward Garnett persuaded him to see it published through Duckworth in May 1912. Again this was moderately successful in that there was a second impression the same year, with an American issue coming out as well through Mitchell Kennerley, using Duckworth sheets. As with The White Peacock and Sons and Lovers, Duckworth also produced a colonial issue. As we shall see, the American market became much more important.

4Heinemann turned down Lawrence’s first book of poems, Love Poems and Others, but Duckworth published it in February 1913 with Kennerley producing the first American issue the same year, again using Duckworth sheets. As Duckworth reprinted the book in February 1914, it was clearly not unsuccessful. Lawrence was building up his reputation now and the title page of his next book, Sons and Lovers, refers to him being the "author of Love Poems, The White Peacock, The Trespasser." Sons and Lovers was published by Duckworth in May 1913 in an edition of 1500 copies, following heavy cuts in length and censorship by Garnett, a taste of things to come. Duckworth reprinted it in 1916 and Kennerley published the first American edition, from new plates, in September 1913 with several reprints. The final book to come out before the outbreak of war was The Widowing of Mrs Holroyd, Lawrence’s first published play. Kennerley brought it out in April 1914. Reversing the previous sequence, Duckworth published the first English issue the same month, using Kennerley sheets. There were 500 copies of each issue.

5Taking us to the start of the War then, it is reasonable to suggest that Lawrence’s publishers had sold about 10,000 copies of his books over a three year period. Unfortunately, as Worthen has explained, this was no more than enough to keep Lawrence in the very modest standard of living that he had as a schoolteacher on a salary of £95 a year, before double pneumonia led to his forced early retirement from the job he had been educated to do, with little money behind him (we know that he left England with Frieda in May 1912 with only £12, having previously planned to marry Louie Burrows when he had an income of £150 a year). The contract with Heinemann provided for a £50 advance on publication with a 15% royalty. He would need to produce two books a year unless sales were very substantial, even coupled with payments for poems and short stories sold to periodicals. This was unachievable and he was wholly dependent on the charity of his family and friends and early payments from publishers. Lawrence also received a £50 advance from Duckworth for The Trespasser, saving him from financial disaster in September 1912. That would not last long but the advance for Sons and Lovers was £100. The fact that he had to agree to the book being censored, and cut by a tenth, shows how little control Lawrence had over the publication process at this time. As he wrote to Garnett on 11th March 1913: " I don’t mind if Duckworth crosses out a hundred shady pages in Sons and Lovers. It’s got to sell, I’ve got to live" (1L 526).

6The lending libraries such as W. H. Smiths, Boots or Mudie’s Circulating Library would not tolerate anything at all risqué and, as they would routinely buy 3000 copies of a novel between them, this flexibility on Lawrence’s part was essential. As John Worthen notes, during his lifetime only Lady Chatterley’s Lover, published less than two years before his death, would be better known than Sons and Lovers. And mysteriously this landmark in English literature did not sell well to begin with, the Duckworth first edition, estimated at 2500 copies, not selling out in its first year and not requiring a reprint until 1916. This situation should be compared with Arnold Bennett’s, who in 1910 sold 6000 copies of Clayhanger in the first four months, having received an advance of £300, this excluding sales in America. He was earning each week what Lawrence was earning in a year. Compton Mackenzie sold 35000 copies of Sinister Street within six months of its publication in 1913 and would expect advances of up to £1000 and a 25% royalty.

7Although he was no commercial success at this stage, the number of his various publications was increasing and he was getting generally better reviews. As he had the American market to deal with, coupled with the disappointment over Sons and Lovers, Lawrence was tempted away from his arrangement with Garnett to have J.B. Pinker as his literary agent. The Prussian Officer, both the story and the book topically titled by Garnett against Lawrence’s wishes, came out in November 1914 and marked the end of Lawrence’s relationship with Garnett, who would be away on war service when Duckworth brought out its other two Lawrence titles. As John Worthen notes in the introduction to the Cambridge Edition, the existence of a copy with a 1914 title page and August 1918 advertisement pages suggests that sales were slow in England. Huebsch published the first American issue in 1916 using the Duckworth sheets, reprinting it in 1917.

8Pinker secured an offer of a £300 advance from Methuen & Co. Ltd. for Lawrence’s next novel. This would be payable as to £100 on signing the contract and the rest on publication of the book, both of course less Pinker’s ten per cent. The book was The Rainbow, which together with its sequel Women in Love, was to revolutionise English fiction. Matters did not start well though. For six months after the start of the War Methuen returned unpublished manuscripts to less popular authors such as Lawrence, so publication was delayed, together with any prospect of further funds derived from it. Interestingly Lawrence applied for and received a £50 grant from the Royal Literary Fund, citing "The War" as the reason for his "Distress." However, despite Methuen’s anxiety about the sexual content of The Rainbow, he published it in September 1915. Lawrence was beginning to show some control over the publication process at least in terms of content. Although he said that the "cover-wrapper is vile beyond words" (2L 402, the first and probably worst pictorial dust jacket on a Lawrence book, the sentimental theme being highly inappropriate) in a letter to Viola Meynell of 2nd March 1915 he wrote of the "pots of gold at its feet"(2L 299), clearly very optimistic about the book’s chances. Encouraged by his success so far and his reputation as "the author of Sons and Lovers" he felt that he could stand his ground when faced with proposals for significant cuts. As he wrote to Pinker on 26th July 1915:

I have cut out, as I said I would, all the phrases objected to. The passages and paragraphs marked I cannot alter. There is nothing offensive in them, beyond the very substance they contain, and that is no more offensive than that of all the rest of the novel. The libraries won’t object to the book any less, or approve of it any more, if the passages are cut out. And I cant cut them out, because they are living parts of an organic whole. Those who object, will object to the book altogether. These bits won’t affect them particularly.

Tell Methuen, he need not be afraid. If the novel doesn’t pay him back this year, it will before very long. Does he expect me to be popular? I shan’t be that. But I am a safe speculation for a publisher. (2L 369 -70)

9How wrong Lawrence was. The reviews were almost universally damning. Mark Kinkead-Weekes concluded that 2516 copies were printed including 500 for the colonial market but 1195 were destroyed by Court order following the prosecution of Methuen under the Obscene Publications Act 1857. The book did rather better in America, where Huebsch published his first edition in November 1915, using Methuen’s text but with significant cuts, avoiding prosecution. As Worthen put it:

The Rainbow, accepted by Methuen as a commercial proposition, proved that his best and most exploratory work was, after all, not acceptable. England in wartime seemed to Lawrence an increasingly alien country which had taken a great plunge into communal madness. (Worthen 48)

10The situation was bleak. He was a banned writer, wartime shortages meant less paper for printing books, especially fiction, printing costs rose, call-up meant fewer staff in publishing firms and Lawrence was increasingly dependent on his generous friends. England was not the place for him to be based and his situation was at a low point in terms of book publication. Fortunately the American market was easier for him but Pinker’s contacts there were limited and good returns were some way off. At the end of 1915 he had no new novel to bring in much-needed income. Worse, Methuen even asked for their £300 advance on The Rainbow to be returned.

11Moving away from fiction, Lawrence’s next book was Twilight in Italy, his first book of non-fiction prose, published by Duckworth in June 1916. There were 1500 copies but it was not reprinted by them until 1924. Huebsch published the first American issue from Duckworth sheets later in 1916. The total number of copies is unknown but it is unlikely that Lawrence received significant income from this book. Much the same can be said of Amores, a collection of early poems that he had revised. It was turned down by Constable and Co. and Sidgwick and Jackson. It was finally published by Duckworth, in July 1916, his final volume with them. There were only 900 copies. Huebsch published the first American edition in September 1916. The fact that neither edition was reprinted suggests that this was another unsuccessful venture, as Lawrence’s shortage of money at the time confirms. Indeed it appears to have been remaindered. He was living in very cheap and basic accommodation in Cornwall. From there he wrote to John Middleton Murry in January 1916 in a way typical of his correspondence of the time:

I like Cornwall very much, and I like being here. Only, Oh, my God, the horrible hopelessness of life! We’ve got to face it out. I feel pushed to the brink of existence, and there remains only to fall off into oblivion, or to give in, and accept the ruck: or some way out as yet undiscovered. (2L 500)

12Also living in Cornwall was the composer Philip Heseltine and the possible "way out" they planned was "The Rainbow Books and Music," a private publication scheme for subscribers, with The Rainbow as the first book. If it had not previously been banned then it might have had the makings of a successful scheme but it was doomed from the start. Few responded to the 800 leaflets that were distributed. The price of 7/6 compared to the £2 that Lady Chatterley’s Lover was to sell for meant that the book even if it was not seized would be unlikely to be particularly profitable. Without an experienced bookseller like Pino Orioli involved, Lawrence had to try mainstream book publication again.

13With this in mind Lawrence considered further work on the manuscript of what was to be The Lost Girl, but it was out of reach in Germany. He then turned to the sequel to The Rainbow, Women in Love. He saw it as a "masterpiece" (3L 61) that would "laugh last" (3L 73) but it was rejected by Duckworth, Chatto & Windus, Constable and Co., and Methuen. The latter rejection was particularly painful as they cancelled their agreement with him, a sure sign that he was not apparently writing what the public wanted. This was a view shared by Lawrence’s patroness Ottoline Morrell, who threatened a libel action if the book was published, thus at least delaying publication in the book’s current form. Writing books with anti-war sentiments and sexual content, and offending those who could afford to sue was not the way to get them published at this time.

14Lawrence did not always help himself to make money, as the publication of his next book shows. This was Look! We Have Come Through! the book of poetry published by Chatto & Windus in November 1917. But these were poems mainly dating from his first months with Frieda, in 1912 and 1913. He had not wanted to publish them as they were so personal. This book was rejected by William Collins and by Duckworth before Chatto took it on. Here again Lawrence was far from in charge of the publication process. Chatto insisted on taking out two poems and lines from other poems. Lawrence had little bargaining power because of what Chatto referred to as the "past history" (3L 148 n.1), i.e. Lawrence’s reputation as the author of The Rainbow. Although Chatto & Windus got their way the book was not a great success. They printed 1000 copies, 500 of which went as sheets to Huebsch who published the first American issue in 1918. There was no reprint of this title during Lawrence’s lifetime.

15The year 1917 was a particular period of stalemate, for Lawrence wrote no fiction at all other than the revisions to the typescript of Women in Love. There was no prospect of that book being published. Things were so bad financially that when he and Frieda were forced out of Cornwall they initially borrowed accommodation from friends and then moved to Mountain Cottage Middleton-by-Wirksworth in Derbyshire, the rent paid for by his sister Ada who lived nearby. At the beginning of 1918 Women in Love was his sole hope of substantial reward, and he had become so dependent on the charity of others, loans and gifts. He toyed with the idea that printer and publisher Cyril Beaumont would publish the book at a guinea a copy (at least a more realistic price), this again to be a private subscription project, but he was told that it would cost £365 to print (3L 219), a wholly unrealistic sum.

16Lawrence did do some business with Beaumont though. In April 1918 Lawrence was working on two books of poems: the first, published in October 1918 was New Poems, the second was Bay, which Beaumont did not publish until November 1919. Keith Cushman has told us in his article in the 2009 Journal of D.H. Lawrence Studies the sorry tale of the length of time it took to get the book published and how little Lawrence made from it. An example of Lawrence’s desperation about Beaumont’s inaction appears in his letter to him of 16th July 1919 when he wrote:

"Do please continue to send me proofs. I promise not to alter more than a word or so - and this cannot mean much delay: especially at the rate you get on at. I believe you intend this to be one of my posthumous works […]" (8L 29)

17This little book was still four months away from publication. In short there were a total of 200 copies planned, for which Lawrence received just £10, not a happy first experience of private press limited edition illustrated publication. The venture featured delay in production and thus delayed results for Lawrence from it, lack of control by him over the project, a very low number of copies (any of the three versions of the book are prized by collectors) and low production standards. The misleadingly titled New Poems was Lawrence’s only book to come out in 1918 and his first with Martin Secker. Only 500 copies were printed. Huebsch only brought out the first American edition in 1920, the number of copies unknown. But Secker produced a new edition of the book in August 1919, so this was an auspicious start to Lawrence’s relationship with him.

18To summarise the situation at the end of the War, little if anything had improved since the start of it. Reduced to applying for a grant to Arthur Llewelyn Roberts, Secretary of the Royal Literary Fund, he wrote on 14th June 1918:

It is true that I have no money save what comes from my books – and that is exceedingly little now. In the year which ended August 1914, I suppose I earned £450 or £500. Since August I have had considerably less than £100. There is no prospect of my receiving anything worth mention, in the future as I see it now. So I am at a loss. (3L 249-50)

19It would appear that Lawrence was exaggerating his earlier income but his desperate situation is clear. From his promising start his income should by this time have provided a comfortable lifestyle. He would never return to school teaching but he did in July 1918 decide to write a book for schools, his Movements in European History, something he hated doing, in a desperate search for profitable work. It was published in February 1921 under the pseudonym Lawrence H. Davison, reflecting the poor state of his reputation. He had also been spending a significant amount of his time on writing his essays on American literature for periodical publication, again for modest return. The Roberts Bibliography shows us that Lawrence was getting towards a dozen pieces published in periodicals in the years 1912 to 1914 but the average for 1915 to 1918 was only five a year. His income in the three years to the end of the War would never be as bad again.

20Lawrence’s fortunes did not improve rapidly after the end of the War: 1919 was another difficult year. However this was the year when he started his relationship with a new publisher, Thomas Seltzer, who asked to see Women in Love, which Lawrence thought was ready for publication. This time marked the beginning of the end of Huebsch’s involvement, followed by the fall of Pinker and the rise of Curtis Brown as Lawrence’s agent, the latter being significantly more effective than the former in America. The second schedule at the end of this paper shows the various editions and printings of Lawrence’s books from 1920, when Seltzer published the first American edition of the play Touch and Go, to 1925 when his last title, Little Novels of Sicily, came out, Secker being the main English publisher. The significant increases, both in the rate books were being published and in the publication figures, are immediately apparent.

21Turning to the design of the books, the illustrations I prepared in connection with this paper show books published in America and where possible their dust jackets, from the early rather dull titles through the generally much more impressive Seltzer ones, ending with two Knopf titles following the end of Seltzer’s involvement, having published twenty Lawrence titles. Further illustrations show books published in Britain, again from the early generally rather lacklustre titles through to the Secker titles that continued to be produced after Lawrence’s death. Secker’s chocolate boards with blind-stamping in gold format was in use from The Lost Girl in 1920 until after Heinemann had taken over the Lawrence titles (having originally published the first English edition of The White Peacock in 1911) and used this format for The Spirit of Place in 1935. There were, however, occasional experiments with straw coloured boards and black print, to be seen with St. Mawr, The Boy in the Bush and The Plumed Serpent. The chocolate board format dominated the English market for the first English editions and for the rest of Lawrence’s life (Secker also produced a smaller and cheaper thin paper edition with red boards for subsequent printings). All had very uninspired dust jackets in cream or off-white with printing in red, and stretching generally to a couple of sober lines on the front about the contents of the book. Some illustrations show these titles with and some without those dust jackets. One could be forgiven for thinking that he was trying to restore the reputation so badly damaged by the prosecution of The Rainbow and to present an author appropriate for the Establishment to read. In terms of book sales, it did of course work, up to a point.

22Leaving aside the frequently impressive Seltzer dust jackets, the exceptions to these dull productions were mainly Lawrence’s occasional dalliances with private press limited edition productions (mainly for more risqué titles), such as Sun published by Charles Lahr in 1926 and Harry Crosby’s Black Sun Press in 1928 (also responsible for the 1929 first edition of The Escaped Cock), the single short story Rawdon’s Roof published by Elkin Matthews and Marrot in 1928, most famously the Florence Lady Chatterley’s Lover in 1928, his other collaboration with Pino Orioli The Story of Doctor Manente in 1929 in the Lungarno Series (later to include the posthumously published The Virgin and the Gipsy, Last Poems and Ada Lawrence’s memoir Young Lorenzo), the P.R. Stephensen Mandrake Press’ The Paintings of D.H. Lawrence and Charles Lahr’s so-called “definitive edition” of Pansies. There were also the niche publications such as the play Touch and Go published by C.W. Daniel Ltd. in 1920, the school textbook Movements in European History published by the Oxford University Press in 1921, the translation of Giovanni Verga’s Mastro-Don Gesualdo and Cavalleria Rusticana, both published by Jonathan Cape in 1928, the translation of the same author’s Little Novels of Sicily published by Basil Blackwell in 1925, the single short story Glad Ghosts published by Ernest Benn Limited in their "Yellow Books" series in 1926 and the Random House My Skirmish with Jolly Roger published in 1929. Although it was not universally the case these productions were generally more attractive publications than anything that Secker was producing, which was clearly intended to give Lawrence the image of the respectable and serious contributor to modern literature. They used a variety of hallmarks of a quality book, such as an eye-catching dust jacket, the use of hand-made paper or vellum boards, often in a limited edition.

23Seltzer was much better at marketing Lawrence’s books than Secker. The latter would use space on his rather dull dust jackets to say something in no more than two or three lines about the book, but Seltzer was unrestrained in his sales pitch. For example, the back of the dust jacket for the Seltzer Sea and Sardinia is packed full of praise and describes the book as "Chatty, intimate, full of keen and unusual observations. It is a book that should be in the homes of all." This is not a quotation from a review but would have been Seltzer’s own words. Lawrence was clearly uncomfortable with this and in January 1922 he wrote to Jan Juta that the "wrapper makes me scream with agony – but you can’t prevent the Americans" (4L 158) – a comment on the limitations of Lawrence’s control in the publication process. This sort of blurb was not Secker’s style either. As an indicator of Lawrence’s raised status, he did though manage to persuade both Seltzer and Secker to use Jan Juta’s colour illustrations for the book, as Keith Cushman describes in his Lawrence, Jan Juta and Sea and Sardinia published in 2005. Amusingly he quotes Lawrence writing to Seltzer in July 1921 that Secker was "so farthingless to hear him talk, faints at the word color illustration" (8L 42). But Lawrence got his way. How different the use of these fresh, original and modern pictures in this travel book (although Lawrence gave Juta free rein in their subject matter and composition), together with the attractive dust jacket and Seltzer’s sales pitch, compared to the illustration-free and dull-jacketed Duckworth Twilight in Italy, the text of which is arguably just as good, the production of which Lawrence had no control over. The Duckworth dust jacket was cream paper printed in black - think what could have been achieved with all the colours available for The Rainbow’s dust jacket, or even just appropriately decorated boards on the book.

24Cushman in his 1999 D.H. Lawrence Review article on Lawrence’s dust jackets describes their development and their increasing significance as "an important sales tool […] an area of graphic design […] a force of display and advertising [that] came into its own in the 1920s" (Cushman 30). This was when Lawrence’s career took off but the problem was that Secker did not follow suit with his jacket designs. It is no coincidence that most of the pictorial dust jackets that are featured in the article are from Seltzer books (a similar selection was later to illustrate the Roberts Bibliography), and only one, from Mornings in Mexico, is from a Secker book. Indeed it is the only Secker pictorial dust jacket other than the one used for his 1933 trade edition of Love Among the Haystacks. The only other jacket on an English edition that Cushman chose was E. McKnight Kauffer’s strikingly modern design for Chatto’s Look! We Have Come Through! Chatto’s choice of an artist renowned for his avant guard graphic design and poster art may have seemed inspired but as we have seen it did not help much with sales. The name of the author was probably the problem at this time. Kauffer was also responsible for the attractive jacket on the 1937 Modern Library edition of Women in Love. Cushman ably describes the characteristics of the different jackets and what may have made them so appealing to prospective purchasers of the books. Behind the scenes, it is interesting to note that even at this stage of his career Lawrence clearly had limited influence over book design. His correspondence includes his comments on a number of jackets, making it plain that they were not by any means all of his choosing; for example Lawrence thought that the design for the Women in Love cover was "terrible." However, at his instigation several were designed by friends such as Dorothy Brett, Jan Juta, Kai Gøtzsche and Knud Merrild. Lawrence himself produced the designs for the Seltzer Birds, Beasts and Flowers and the Secker Mornings in Mexico; all this was unthinkable during the War years, when he was much less in control.

25Finally, we must not forget the special effort that Seltzer made promoting Lawrence through his advertisements in The Dial magazine, nor indeed the extraordinary effort that The Dial itself made, which a random search through literary periodicals of the time containing Lawrence material suggests was not matched by Secker or anyone else in England. That magazine, with a circulation peaking at about 22,000, was the periodical that championed Lawrence in America. The detail of Seltzer’s contribution is well covered in Nicholas Joost and Alvin Sullivan’s D.H. Lawrence and The Dial, which lists the advertisements that Seltzer and indeed other publishers placed for Lawrence’s work. His numerous advertisements covered the period 1920 to 1924 and every one of the Lawrence books that he published was included at some time.

26During the Great War Lawrence faced not just the difficulties that other writers had in terms of reduced sales of books generally, difficulty in getting books printed etc. It was not that he did not have the work in progress to complete and get published. He was against the War, and he openly opposed it, his work including themes that were not acceptable to the Establishment. These four years, not long after Lawrence’s literary career was starting to take off, were completely blighted; and he lived for less than 12 years after Armistice Day. The transformation of the situation in the early 1920s is striking, in terms of increased book sales in America and to a lesser extent in England, his developing reputation and the generally improved quality of the appearance of his books and their promotion. If the War punctuated his career it was not a comma or a semi-colon, it was nearly a full stop.

D.H. Lawrence Book Publication Up To Bay

D.H. Lawrence Book Publication Up To Bay

D.H. Lawrence Book Publication Secker and Seltzer Era

D.H. Lawrence Book Publication Secker and Seltzer Era
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Bibliographie

Cushman, Keith. "Lawrence’s Dust-Jackets: A Selection with Commentary."

D.H. Lawrence Review 28 (1999). 29 – 52.

—, "Lawrence at Bay: 'Hand-Printed and Beautiful, 7/6 a Copy.'" Journal of D.H. Lawrence Studies. 2, 1, 2009: 103 – 123.

—, "Lawrence, Jan Juta and Sea and Sardinia" in D.H. Lawrence: Literature, History, Culture. Tokyo: Kokusho-KankoKai Press, 2005.

Delaney, Paul. D.H. Lawrence’s Nightmare. Hassocks: Harvester Press, 1979.

Ellis, David. D.H. Lawrence: Dying Game 1922 – 1930. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998.

Joost, Nicholas and Alvin Sullivan D.H. Lawrence and The Dial. Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1970.

Kinkead-Weekes, Mark. D.H. Lawrence: Triumph to Exile 1912 – 1922. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996.

Lawrence, D.H. The Letters of D.H. Lawrence Volume One: September 1901 – May 1913. Ed. James T. Boulton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979.

—, The Letters of D.H. Lawrence Volume Two: June 1913 – October 1916. Ed. George J. Zytaruk and James T. Boulton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981.

—, The Letters of D.H. Lawrence Volume Three October 1916 – June 1921. Ed. James T. Boulton and Andrew Robertson. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984.

—, The Letters of D.H. Lawrence Volume Four June 1921 – March 1924. Ed. Warren Roberts James T. Boulton and Elizabeth Mansfield. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987.

—, The Prussian Officer and Other Stories. Ed. John Worthen. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.

—, The Rainbow. Ed. Mark Kinkead-Weekes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989.

—, Sons and Lovers. Ed. Helen Baron and Carl Baron. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.

—, The Trespasser. Ed. Elizabeth Mansfield. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981.

—, Twilight in Italy and Other Essays. Ed. Paul Eggert. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.

—, The White Peacock. Ed. Andrew Robertson. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.

—, Women in Love. Ed. David Farmer Lindeth Vasey and John Worthen. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987.

Long, Jonathan. US Covers 1 and 2 and UK Covers 1 and 2: online at

http://www.flickr.com/photos/92280379@N03/8387925308/in/photostream

http://www.flickr.com/photos/92280379@N03/8387925272/in/photostream

http://www.flickr.com/photos/92280379@N03/8386838899/in/photostream

http://www.flickr.com/photos/92280379@N03/8386838887/in/photostream

Poplawski, Paul. "A Bibliography of D.H. Lawrence, Third Edition (2001), By Warren Roberts and Paul Poplawski: 'Corrections, Additions and Updates to Section A and Section F.'" Journal of D.H. Lawrence Studies. 2, 2, 2010: 17 – 89.

Roberts, Warren and Paul Poplawski. A Bibliography of D.H. Lawrence. Third Edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001.

Worthen, John. D.H. Lawrence A Literary Life. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1989.

—, D.H. Lawrence: The Early Years 1885 – 1912. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991.

—, D.H. Lawrence: The Life of an Outsider. London: Allen Lane, 2005.

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Table des illustrations

Titre UK Covers
URL http://lawrence.revues.org/docannexe/image/246/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 2,8M
Titre US Covers
URL http://lawrence.revues.org/docannexe/image/246/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 2,3M
Titre D.H. Lawrence Book Publication Up To Bay
URL http://lawrence.revues.org/docannexe/image/246/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 672k
Titre D.H. Lawrence Book Publication Secker and Seltzer Era
URL http://lawrence.revues.org/docannexe/image/246/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 718k
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Jonathan Long, « D. H. Lawrence and Book Publication During the Great War: a Study in Stagnation  », Études Lawrenciennes [En ligne], 46 | 2015, mis en ligne le 12 novembre 2015, consulté le 25 mai 2017. URL : http://lawrence.revues.org/246 ; DOI : 10.4000/lawrence.246

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Auteur

Jonathan Long

Independent Scholar, Suffolk, England

Jonathan Long is a solicitor advising farming clients in the East of England. He graduated in Law at the University of London in 1981. He has been a Lawrence enthusiast for over 35 years (with a particular interest in Lawrence’s biography and bibliography), and is a member of the D H Lawrence Societies of England, North America and Australia.

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